마틴 루터 킹목사의 I Have a Dream 연설 50주년을 기념하면서...

 In this Aug. 28, 1963 file photo, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.,

head of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference,

addresses marchers during his "I Have a Dream" speech

at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington. / Associated Press File

 

 

50년 전인 1963년 8월 28일에 당시 남부 기독교 기도자 연합회 회장을 맡고 있던

마티 루터 킹 목사님이 미국의 수도인 와싱턴의 링컨 대통령 기념관 앞에 모인

수많은 군중 앞에서 평등주의를 외치는 유명한 'I Have a Dream" 연설을 한 날이다.

 

킹 목사 덕분에 미국내의 특히 남부에 사는 흑인들의 권리와 자유가 보장되고

사람들의 인식도 많이 향상되었다.

하지만 50년이 지난 지금도 미국만이 아니라 세계 여러 나라에서는

종교, 피부색, 인종, 그리고 성이 다르다는 이유로 불이익을 당하고 사는 케이스가

여전히 우리 사회에 존재하고 있어서 씁쓸할 때가 참 많다.

 

오늘 "꿈이 있습니다" 연설 50주년을 기념하면서

우리 각자 모두 평등한 사회를 위해서 능동적으로 노력하는 계기가 되기를 바래 본다.

 

아래에  당시 상황을 담은 사진과 함께

킹 목사의 연설 전문을 아래에 올려 봅니다.

50년이 지나서 다시 읽어도 그의 글 내용은 읽는 사람들의가슴을 뜨겁게 끓어 오르게 하는 힘이 느껴지면서

듣는 우리로 하여금 강 건너 불구경하듯이 안이한 자세에서

양심과 책임감있는 시민으로 거듭나게 해 주는 감동적인 글이다.

 

시간 관계상  우선 아래 쪽의  유명한 I have a dream 부분만 한글번역을 해 놓았습니다.

 

 

 

 US civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. waves from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial to supporters

on the Mall in Washington, DC, during the "March on Washington" on Aug. 28, 1963. 

In 1963 King spoke in front of 250,000 people, explaining his wish for better relations

between black and white Americans. His words were engraved on the steps of the monument

where he spoke. (AFP/Getty Images)

마틴 루터 킹목사가 '1963년 8월 28일 워싱턴 행진' 중에 링컨 기념관 앞에 모인

수많은 군중들에게 손을 흔들고 있다. 

이날 킹목사는 25만명의 군중앞에서 흑인과 백인 관계를 개선하고픈 그의

희망과 의지를 연설을 했다.

 

 

 Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, center in hat, joins white passengers on a city bus in Birmingham, Ala.,

six days after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the buses must integrate on Dec. 26, 1956.

Shuttlesworth boarded hours

after a bomb exploded inside his Collegeville, Ala., house.

(Robert Adams/The Birmingham News via Associated Press)

1956년 12월 26일에 미국 대법원에서 버스안에서 흑인과 백인이 공평하게 앉을 수 있는 법이 통과된지

6일 후에 프레드 셔틀워즈 목사가(중간에 모자를 쓴) 알라바마주의 버밍햄 도시버스를 타고

백인들 사이에 앉아 있다.  버스를 탄지 불과 몇시간 후에

컬리지빌에 있는 그의 집에 폭탄이 터졌다.

 

 

 Walter Gadsden, 17, defying an anti-parade ordinance of Birmingham, Ala., is attacked

by a police dog on May 3, 1963. (Bill Hudson/Associated Press)

1963년 5월 3일에 알라바마주의 버밍햄 시에서

17세의 월터 갣슨군이 행진금지에 불복하자 경찰견이 그에게 덤비고 있다.

 

 

 Police lead a group of black school children to jail after their arrest for protesting against racial discrimination

near city hall in Birmingham, Ala. on May 4, 1963. (Bill Hudson/Associated Press)

1963년 5월 4일에 버밍햄 시청 부근에서 인종차별을 반대하는 시위를 벌인

흑인 어린이들을 체포해서 감옥으로 끌고 가고 있다.

 

 

 Rev. Ralph Abernathy, left, and Martin Luther King, Jr. walk through a corridor of the city jail

in Birmingham, Ala., where they were held for several hours following conviction

on charges of parading without a permit. They posted bond of $2,500. (Associated Press)

허가없이 행진을 했다는 이유로 유죄판결을 받고, 수시간 감금되었다가

보석금 2500불을 내고 풀려난 랄프 애버나티 목사와 킹목사가 시청 복도를 걸어 가고 있다.

 

 

 Police and firefighters gather near a fire that razed several houses owned by black residents in Birmingham, Ala.,

on May 12, 1963, one block from a black motel which was bombed and the same distance from a church

where civil rights demonstrations started. (Associated Press)

1963년 5월 12일에 알라바마주의 버밍햄에서 흑인들이 거주하고 있는 집들의 화재장소 근방에서

경찰과 소방관들이 모여 서 있다.

같은 날, 그리 멀지 않은 곳에서 흑인소유의 모텔과 인권운동이 시작된 교회에도 폭탄 피해를 입은 바 있다.

 

 

 Firefighters use their water hose against civil rights demonstrators in Birmingham, Ala. on July 15, 1963.

(Bill Hudson/Associated Press) 

1963년 7월 15일에 소방수들이 호스로 버밍햄 시에서 시위를 하는 인권운동자들에게 물세례를 퍼 붓고 있다.

 

 

 Emergency workers and others stand around a large crater from a bomb which killed four black girls

in the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Ala. on Sept. 15, 1963.

The windows of the building  across the street in the background were also blown out. (Associated Press)

1963년 9월 15일에 16가 침례교회에서 터진 폭탄으로 흑인 소녀 4명이 사망한 장소에서

구조대원들이 파손된 교회 앞에 서 있다.

교회 반대편에 위치한 빌딩의 창문들도 다 깨진 상태이다.

 

 

 A memorial plaque at the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Ala. for Denise McNair, Cynthia Wesley,

Addie Mae Collins and Carole Robertson, the four girls killed in a bombing at the church in 1963.

(The Birmingham News via Associated Press)

위의 폭발사고로 숨진 4명의 소녀들를 기리는 기념비

 

 

 Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., center left with arms raised, marches along Constitution Avenue

with other civil rights protestors carrying placards, from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial

during the March on Washington on Aug. 28, 1963. (Associated Press)

 8월 28일에 양쪽 팔을 든 킹목사(가운데)가 플래카드를 든 여러 인권운동가 동료들과 함께

워싱턴의 컨스티뉴션 아베뉴(헌법 가 )위를 걸어 가고 있다.

 

 

 American president John F. Kennedy in the White House with leaders of the civil rights March

on Washington (left to right) Whitney Young, r Martin Luther King (1929 - 1968), Rabbi Joachim Prinz,

A. Philip Randolph, President Kennedy, Walter Reuther (1907 - 1970) and Roy Wilkins.

Behind Reuther is Vice-President Lyndon Johnson. (Three Lions/Getty Images)

케네디 대통령과 백악관에 모인 인권운동 지도자들:

왼쪽부터 휘트니 영, 킹 목사, 요아킴 프린즈 랍비, 필립 랜돌프, 케네디 대통령, 월터 로이터, 로이 윌킨스.

로이터 뒤에는 존슨 부통령

 

 

 Civil rights demonstrators gather at the Washington Monument grounds before noon, before marching

to the Lincoln Memorial, seen in the far background at right, where the March on Washington

for Jobs and Freedom will end with a speech by Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.,

now known as the "I Have A Dream" speech. (Associated Press)

오전에 흑인의 인권옹호자들이 흑인들의 일자리와 자유를 위해서 워싱턴 기념 광장에 모인 군중들이

링컨 기념관으로 행진하기 전에 찍힌 모습니다.

이렇게 모인 25만명의 군중 앞에서 킹 목사의 유명한 연설이 이어졌다.

 

 

 

 Portrait of American civil rights campaigner Martin Luther King Jr. (1929 - 1968).

His iconic "I Have a Dream" is being remembered as a significant event in the civil rights movement.

(Reg Lancaster/Express/Getty Images)

 

 

 At top, civil rights protestors march down Constitution Avenue carrying placards during the March

on Washington on Aug. 28, 1963; and at bottom, people rally at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington

to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the 1963 march Saturday, Aug. 24, 2013.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech during the March on Washington

on Aug. 28, 1963. (Associated Press)

위의 사진은 1963년 8월 28일에 플라카드를 들고 행진을 하는 모습

그리고 50주년을 기념하기 위해서 2013년 8월 24일에 비슷한 플라카드를 들고 모여 든 군중들

 

 

 Civil Rights leaders pose in the Lincoln Memorial during the March on Washington

for Jobs and Freedom, Washington DC, August 28, 1963.

Pictured are, standing from left,

director of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice Matthew Ahmann,

Rabbi Joachim Prinz (1902 - 1988),

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) leader John Lewis,

Protestant minister Eugene Carson Blake (1906 - 1985),

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) leader Floyd McKissick (1922 - 1991),

and labor union leader Walter Reuther (1907 - 1970);

sitting from left, National Urban League executive director Whitney Young (1921 - 1971),

unidentified, labor union leader A Philip Randolph (1889 - 1979),

Dr. Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. (1929 - 1968),

and National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) leader Roy Wilkins (1901 - 1981).

The march and rally provided the setting for the Dr. King iconic 'I Have a Dream' speech.

(PhotoQuest/Getty Images)

 

 

 This aerial view shows crowds at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington

during Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have A Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963. (Associated Press)

 

 

The statue of Martin Luther King Jr. in Washington, DC, as thousands of people gather to commemorate the 50th anniversary of The March on Washington. The March on Washington is best remembered for King's stirring vision of a United States free of inequality and prejudice, telecast live to a nation undergoing a phenomenal decade of soul-searching, crisis and change.

(Jewel Samad/AFP/Getty Images)

 

 

 

---

 

 

 "I Have a Dream" speech

 

on Aug. 28, 1963, in Washington, D.C.

by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

 

 

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

 

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

 

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. one hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

 

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

 

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

 

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

 

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

 

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

 

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

 

We cannot walk alone.

 

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

 

We cannot turn back.

 

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

 

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

 

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

 

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

우리는 비록 현재와 미래의 역경과 고난에 닥쳐도, 본인은 아직도 꿈이 있습니다.

그 꿈은 아메리칸 드림의 바탕과 배경에서 나왔습니다.

 

 

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

어느날, 미국이 우뚝 서서 "모든 인간은 평등하게 창조되었다는 불변의 진리를 고수합니다:

라는 신념대로 꿋꿋하게 살아 갈 날이 오리라는 꿈이 나에게 있습니다.

 

 

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

예전의 노예의 아들들과 예전 노예소유자들의 아들들이 조지아주의 붉은 언덕에서

형제애의 탁자에 함께 둘러 앉을 날이 오리라는 꿈이 나에게 있습니다.

 

 

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

극심한 부정과 압박으로 허덕이는 미시시피 주 마저도

자유와 정의의 오아시스로 변모할 날이 오리라는 꿈이 나에게 있습니다.

 

 

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

나의 네 자녀들이 그들의 피부색에 기준해서 평가를 받기 보다는

그들의 개인의 성향과 자질로 평가받을 수 있는 그런 나라에서 사는 날이 언젠가는 오리라는 꿈이 나에게 있습니다.

 

 

I have a dream today!

나에게 꿈이 있습니다.

 

 

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

악랄한 인종차별주위자들이 살고 있고, '간섭' 과 '무효'라는 말을 입에 달고 사는 주지사가 있는

남부의 알라바마 주에서도, 흑인 소년 소녀들이 백인 소년 소녀들과 

한 형제자매처럼 손을 마주잡는 날이 언젠가는 오리라는 꿈이 나에게 있습니다.

 

 

I have a dream today!

 

 

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

어느날, "모든 계곡들은 기뻐서 환호를 울리고, 모든 언덕과 산들은 깍여서 낮아지고,

울퉁불퉁한 곳도 평평하게 되고, 삐둘어진 곳도 똑 바로 잡히면서",{이사야 서 40장 4절)

하느님의 영광이 온 천하게 들어나고, 살아있는 모든 생물들은 그 영광을 보는 날이

오리라는 꿈이 나에게 있습니다.

 

 

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

내가 남부로 돌아 갈때 이런 우리의 희망과 믿음을 부여잡고 갈 것입니다.

 

 

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

 

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

 

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

 

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

 

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

 

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

 

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

 

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

 

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

 

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

 

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

 

But not only that:

 

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

 

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

 

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

 

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

 

Free at last! Free at last!

 

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!